An entomologist team in Germany has gathered extensive evidence pointing towards mass extinction of flying insects. Scientists are now expressing major concerns surrounding lack of crop pollination and the future of agriculture productivity.

What is it about insects that make people slightly irritated or afraid? Their ability to fly, sting, buzz and die on the car windshield? Perhaps it is because of people’s general dislike towards insects that their huge population declines have gone unnoticed and unexplained, until now.

The story of disappearing bees was considered old news, however, a report released by a German entomologist group during October last year revealed a drastic 75 per cent decline in German insects during the past 27 years. The report includes a ‘Red List‘ compiled of extinct and endangered species and details the negative impacts of monoculture nature reserves.

The dramatic decrease raised massive alarm bells across Europe as scientists began discussing the necessity of crop pollination and pushing for agriculture reform that is environmentally sustainable. Deforestation, fragmentation, urbanization, and agricultural conversion are all considered leading factors, however, most of the research points towards the widespread use of pesticides in the agriculture business and habitat destruction.

“In central Europe, you will have this intensive land use and agriculture,

with pesticides, with monocultures everywhere so what we need is nature reserves, which are managed perfectly, without pesticides,” states Krefeld independent researcher and insect ecology expert, Dr Martin Sorg.

“So for us, our first priority is the optimal land management of nature reserves as isolated places but they have to manage these isolated places perfectly. We don’t want to get rid of agriculture but we need a different kind of agriculture, inside and near the reserves. If not then it goes away and we go further into carelessness,” he says.

Martin explains that the immediate problem is species extinction within certain areas. The loss of only biomass of non-endangered species may leave room for possible compensation in the future however the loss of total species in a region creates more permanent damage, where a species may be completely lost because they are specifically adapted to a regional climate. Replacing a species becomes almost impossible because each insect type has already adapted to a specific agricultural area.

“When one species dies out it creates consequences for others and we don’t have enough information about what happens inside of these networks. There are more than 33,000 species of insects in Germany and for most of these we don’t have enough information to calculate how endangered they are, so in that red list, there is only a limited number of insect species that we are aware are endangered. If there is a special habitat or have habitats with a history that dates back many years then that habitat has to be managed perfectly,” stresses Dr Sorg.

So what does this mean for the agricultural industry?

The “invisible” link

The Krefeld team refuses to label one overall impact that has caused the rapid decline found in their studies, stating that “many theories could be possible at this stage”.

“We have a large number of impacts on insects in our landscapes and we have not been able to focus on one specific impact so far because we can’t link it directly to pesticide use. It’s like a cornerstone, which has been formed now for further research into different topics. Ecotoxicologists can now place more focus on one species and try to see if how, for instance, a pesticide might have an impact on one specific species in the field but this is just a further question of research,” says Krefeld member and bug specialist Thomas Hörren.

Insect custodian at the Berlin Natural History Museum, Dr Jürgen Deckert disagrees stating that there is enough data available to clearly demonstrate the causes.

“In general, the loss of biodiversity is caused by the use of pesticides, nitrification, and habitat loss. It is everywhere the same, but probably with some local differences in the amount of the factors. You need no scientific research to prove the decrease in arthropod and vertebrates. You only have to look at the data: The area with maize and rapeseed fields is much larger than some decades before in Germany. These areas have no space for diversity and most of the forests are far away from natural conditions,” says Dr Deckert.

German minister for the environment, Svenja Schulze (SPD), has also spoken out against excessive use of pesticides and recommended the moderate use of both pesticides and herbicides. After being newly elected in Schulze stated, “we need a full exit from glyphosate during this legislative period. Glyphosate kills everything that is green, depriving insects of their food source.”

The Federal Agency for Nature Conservation also released a follow-up report which stated that loss of habitat and pollutants were the main cause of extinct or endangered species mentioned on the Red List.

Dutch Botanist and ecologist specialist Professor Hans de Kroon complimented the progress made through public acknowledgement and awareness since the release of the Krefeld report.

“Interestingly, what you see in Germany and certainly also in the Netherlands is there’s now sort of a common understanding that something needs to change. This is a development of big concern and it’s perhaps too early to tell but it seems that we’re really in a transition period that we’ve got to change things in the landscape. Yeah, although environmentalists have been urging the need for this for a long time. Instead of having discussions amongst ourselves, these are now discussions which are done in parliament, on the radio, television, and major newspapers. That is really a big change,” he says.

In 1996 French beekeepers were the first to complain about their bees dying and it took 20 years really for that news to become mainstream. Wildlife declines are universal and sadly the rest of the world is lagging behind Europe and isn’t taking any action, including the US, which is a massive user of pesticides. In those countries, the fight is still going on between politicians and environmentalists arguing about what should or needs to be done.

Fortunately, when the Krefeld insect enthusiasts banned together in the early 1980’s to share their passion for entomology, they also began counting the insects and experimenting with biomass measuring. Although they ended up discovering an alarming decline in bees in their area, their work led to Europes only long-term insect dataset which has now prompted further biomass measurement outside of Germany.

Krefeld headquarters holds decades of precious research safely stored in archive boxes,complimented by a small history museum and measuring lab. Photo: Taylah Fellows

Pesticides V Pollinators and what they mean for the economy

It’s no secret that bees play a crucial role in plant pollination. According to a study by Michigan University,  “one out of every three bites of food is made possible by bees and other pollinators with honeybees.” This means humans are reliant on bees and pollination for an equivalent of one-third of all food production, adding up a worldwide total of 260billion euros each year.

Compared to pollinators, neonicotinoids are the most used class of pesticides in the world, affecting insects’ nervous systems. Used as a pest deterrent, the chemical can be sprayed or used as a ‘seed coater’ however over half of the neonicotinoid dose ends up in the earth and roughly 20 per cent ends up on the crops.

Peter Neumann, chair of the Institute of Bee Health in Bern University, stated in his 2015 EASAC report that pollination loss in Europe has ccost€14.6 billion thus far.

The report goes on to announce further costs of €91 billion annually worldwide due to the destruction of natural predators such as spiders and €22.75 billion in soil damage. Italy was one of the first to ban neonicotinoid seed treatment in 2008, due to pollination impacts.

During 2013 the EU’s Food Safety Agency (EFSA) found three nicotinoid substances clothianidin, imidacloprid, and thiamethoxam linked to a decline in bee populations. During May earlier this year, all three neonicotinoids were banned after the Commission proposed stricter regulations.

Professor of biology and ecology expert Dave Goulson criticised the lack of definitive progress made by the EU, reiterating the ability for another harmful chemical to replace the newly banned neonicotinoids, ultimately nulling the changes made in May earlier this year.

 “I’m not overly optimistic with current progress, I must admit there hasn’t really been any international initiative launched or is being planned that is really going to tackle these issues. History suggests we keep failing to filter out the harmful chemicals during the registration process of pesticides. There are always some unanticipated negative consequences of their use, which usually takes 10-20 years to fully recognise with the GDP and the neonicotinoids.

“If we carry on with industrial farming with heavy reliance on pesticides then a ban on 3 of the 500 or so pesticides available in the EU then we’re not going to make much difference I suspect. There really is no joined-up plan to address these problems and they are enormous problems,” he says.

The German Pesticide Action Network (PAN) revealed that the sale of fertilizers and pesticides in Germany between 1994 and 2015 have risen to over 40,000 tonnes. Additionally, a study in the journal Arthropod-Plant Interactions showed neonicotinoid pesticides had long-term negative effects on crops because they harmed the pollinators that fed off them.

“People don’t seem to believe that there are other viable alternatives. I don’t think that’s true I think there are perfectly viable alternatives but they’re not in the interest to promote anything that looks to reduce pesticides and fertilizers and so on because its immediately going to hit the bottom line of some very powerful companies, so its in their very best interest to prevent those things from ever happening,” says Professor Goulson.

Despite wide criticisms that Governments are not taking immediate action in relation to nature conservation, there are some small projects attempting to make a difference by conducting sustainable farming experiments. Agri Adapt is an example of one of these initiatives.

“Our AgriAdapt project is focused on a sustainable adaptation of farms to climate change. For this our European project partnership has developed a methodology to assess the vulnerability of farms (we call it climate change check). On the base of the assessments results we create – together with the farmer – an adaptation action plan. Currently, we do this on 126 pilot farms in Spain, France, Germany and Estonia,” explains Patrick Tröstchler from the German branch of the Agriadapt organisation.

We have a long-term project in close cooperation with REWE Group (Western Buying Co-operatives Auditing Association) and the fruit farmers at Lake Constance. We started in 2010 and the 2017 wild bee-monitoring showed some very positive enhancement regarding the stabilisation wild bee populations and species,” says Patrick.

Wildbienen Häuser in einer Obstbaumplantage bei Friedrichshafen. Pressekonferenz “Die Wildbienen-Vielfalt nimmt zu: Obstbauern schaffen Trendwende, am 3.5.2018 auf dem Reinachhof Friedrichshafen.

Pressekonferenz “Die Wildbienen-Vielfalt nimmt zu: Obstbauern schaffen Trendwende, am 3.5.2018 auf dem Reinachhof Friedrichshafen. Patrick Trötschler (Bodensee-Stiftung), Werner Vooren (Imker, Johannes von Eerde (Obstvom Bodensee Vertriebsgesellschaft mbH), Katja Röser (Marktgemeinschaft Bodenseeobst eG), Michael Winste (WOG Württembergische Obstgenossenschaft Raiffeisen eG), Esther Dworak (Leitung Marketing Obst vom Bodensee Vertriebsgesellschaft mbH), Andreas von Traitteur (Obstbauer), Dr. Florian Schäfer (Nachhaltigkeitsmanager REWE Group), (v.l.n.r.) präsentieren für ein Pressefoto Wildbienenhäuser.

Photo: Agri Adapt 2018 conference meeting

Climate change cop out?

Another explanation for insect decline discussed by environmentalists are the diverse effects of climate change. Energy transition from wind farms, biogas plants and large solar collector fields are also linked with land consumption. “The wind wheels are killing many birds, bats and insects, ” reveals insect custodian Dr Deckert.

He claims that these technical methods connected with energy transition will not induce a significant reduction of carbon dioxide and will not stop the climatic change, but will destroy large parts of the landscape and semi-natural habitats in Germany.

“Now the protection of nature is subordinated to the noble aim to fight against the climate change. Everybody see that as a priority, under this circumstances the energy transition comes first, then come the insects and birds.  It is a complex and difficult issue and influenced by ideology and incompetence of politicians as well of several active environmentalists. People see the loss of biodiversity with some fear, but the fear of climatic change is much higher,” he says.

However, in their report, the Krefeld team note that linking the impacts that climate change and intensive farming have on agriculture ecology is not straightforward nor scientifically possible at this stage. Professor Kroon agrees, stating that:

“To compare the effects of intensive farming and climate change impacts…It is like comparing apples and oranges. I mean, climate change is actually a major trend of a phenomenal nature. I think we’re all very much concerned about this decline in nature reserves that are all by themselves and well managed. There’s apparently nothing wrong with it. And yet, we cannot sustain primal insect populations. Now, that is really token. That is really something, very seriously. So, perhaps the effects over-agriculture have been more devastating than we thought they already were and this is the time to do something about it,” he says.

He remains optimistic about reversing some of the damage that has been done by both climate change and intensive farming.

“The insects, in particular, are very resilient, obviously we’re doing something very wrong, but if we do the right things,  roughly thinking we know what the right things are, we can get them back for sure,” he says.

Although the majority of farmers are hesitant in making the switch away from pesticides towards organic agricultural methods, some have already noticed insect decline on their properties and have implemented sustainable practices that combat both climate change and insect decline.

One of those farmers is Mr Henrich Rülfing, who made the switch in 2003.

“We switched the challenge of keeping livestock on the Hog [farm] to organic farming guidelines, cultivating it on the field with weeds and churns. As a rule, yields without pesticide use are around 50 – 70 per cent. However, monetary returns are generally higher despite lower yields.  I no longer have to tell anyone that you need pesticides in agriculture,” he says.

“We have many more insects and birds here than anywhere else in the area. The Krefeld entomologists measured that with us. We are much better off because we just do not have any more exposure to pesticide drifting. However, there is a great industrial interest in the sale of fertilizer and spraying. As well as biogas and manure technology and stable engineering…the farmers’ association presidents sit on the supervisory board of the selling [pesticide/herbicide] companies. The pressure between farmers and competition among each other is very large so you get kicked out when you go eco-friendly,” he explains.

The pressure on farmers to made sudden changes to the traditional agricultural practices they are used to is a cause for slow progression.

“We used to have government-funded advisors that went around farms but they’ve all gone now due to government cuts and so on. Now the ecologists from whom farmers get their advice mostly work on commission for pesticide companies. So id love to see some independent support and help for farmers to encourage them to use fewer pesticides and find more sustainable ways of farming, rather than them getting all of their advice from companies,” says Professor Goulson.

“Farmers are the subjects of pretty heavy lobbying themselves against the removal of pesticides, the agrochemical industry and so on. They often are very defensive and when someone like me comes along and says the current farming system is damaging the environment, it’s wiping out bees and insects and is damaging the forestation etc., they tend to get defensive and say ‘well we need to feed the world what would you do without us’ kind of thing,” he says.

Marketing researchers are now looking into what are the driving forces keeping both the public actively involved in sustainable living.  Farmers are interested in knowing consumer concerns, especially before taking what they consider to be an economic risk by switching agricultural methods.

Professor Kroon explains how crucial public awareness will be in the future if Germany (and the whole of Europe) are to see the long-term effects. “It’s very important that local communities and other governmental organizations involved are making sure that these changes are really sustainable. That is absolutely a challenge that is already showing at the horizon,” says Professor Kroon.

Consumer fear: “I can’t afford organic”

Farming initiatives are expected to prompt consumer changes. The largest challenge is price competition.

“You often come across the argument that organic or local food is more expensive if its produced by small-scale producers and the people cant afford it. I kind of think that’s nonsense because if you look at the proportion of income that people spend on food these days it’s absolutely minuscule compared to historical figures. In the UK present people spend about 8% of their income on food, 100 years ago it was 50%. So when people say they can’t afford to buy a bag of organic carrots I think, well most of you can. I’m sure there are a few people facing severe poverty who can’t afford it,” says Professor Goulson

“But most of us choose to spend very little on food and we’ve become so used to super cheap, bulk produced, factory farmed food and we now expect to be able to buy a litre of milk for forty pence and that’s kind of daft because we should be willing to pay more for food that’s produced in more sustainable ways,” says Professor Goulson.

“That will be a major thing and that all by itself should not take too much time. And what you see is that farmers are extremely frustrated because there’s a prospect of a certain subsidy or certain regulations being implemented. They invest in their farm and then say three years later, the system is changed. One of the deal breakers is also trying to convince the farmers as well, to make what is probably considered a drastic change to their current methods. There’s an interplay between what’s happening with the farmers and with the public opinion -both influence the other,” he says.

An agroecology farming future?

New agricultural farming strategies are being tested and so far are predicted to not only increase annual yields but will group and grow different products close together so that when harvest occurs, insects may easily rotate to other squares or lines of various crops. Compared to previous methods where crops were planted and harvested by the hectare, this new method will cause significantly less strain on biomass quality in agricultural fields.

Evidence suggests that small-scale mixed horticulture is most productive. Things like agroforestry and permaculture. Growing perennial crops and annual crops in small patches or in rows where they are mixed up and you can get multiple harvests from the same patch of land, which can be producing 10 or 15 crops essentially and they are all grown alongside each other. It’s a lot more labour intensive but its much more productive in terms of the amount of food produced per hectare.

If you compare this method to conventional big field single crops, surprisingly, they don’t actually produce that much food. Wheat, the biggest crop in Europe roughly produces about 10 tonnes per hectare. Compared to someone who is just growing vegetable in his or her own garden or something else small scale, a civilian can get about 35 tonnes per hectare without using any pesticides at all which makes one wonder why we’re doing so much wheat growing.

By shifting back to smaller farms, growing lots of different crops and growing perennial and annual crops alongside each other, the soil is held together and doesn’t erode. This will ultimately lead to more ‘predators’, ladybirds, hoverflies, all insects that can survive in that particular system thus reducing the need for pesticides.

“I don’t really understand why governments aren’t giving more support to that kind of [sustainable] farming but it doesn’t depend on the product of the agrochemical industry so they don’t like it and I guess that’s it. In Britain (and probably the Netherlands) we import huge amounts of fruit and vegetable from around the world even though the climate in Britain and the Netherlands is very good for growing fruit and vegetable. Instead, we choose to grow these big cash crops like wheat, most of which just end up going to animals anyways and I’ve always found that really odd and I don’t quite understand the economic process underlying that,” says Professor Goulson.

What remains agreed amongst all scientists is the implementation of effective measuring schemes for all new initiatives so as not to allow major biodiversity changes to go unnoticed again.

“There are a number of things that are complimentary that should be happening at the same time because they will enforce each other. Small-scale experiments, with powers involved, with the public involved, with local communities involved, are very important, and how long and resilient are those initiatives. It’s now very important that these initiatives are all monitored so that we really know what is making a difference regarding the protection of our environment,” says Professor Hans de Kroon.

So far this year, the German government has issued an Agri-food plan that aims to raise organic land area from 7 per cent to 20 per cent by 2030 with an added push toward conservation agriculture and plant protection. Should Germany reach this target, it will occupy  3.4 million hectares of organic farming. The new plans will also aim to phase out glyphosate (a systematic herbicide), thanks to efforts from Agriculture Minister and Svenja Schulze.

I think what we really need to do is really to invest in monitoring the German data. It’s really unique.  It’s amazing what they have done and was really visionary to start a monitoring program in the late ’80s and hold on to it until this very day. It also highlights that we really need those things to see what’s going on. We are starting with new monitoring programs in homes to have a good idea of what measures really make a difference and what are, perhaps, less successful.  That is so important. But what really is working, what is not, and how we can get that information back to the people who are sort of involved in all these changes,” says Professor Kroon.

He predicts that results from the initiative’s changes will become noticeable within a five year time period, particularly after the 2020 CAP reform.

One of the many malaise trap sites used by the Krefeld team in Germany. Simple set up with alcohol based syrup used as bait on top of the tent in order to provided the best preservation results. Photo: Taylah Fellows

The Kosovo War forced 8000 Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian Kosovars to flee to nearby towns after their homes were looted and bombed. When they returned, nothing was left, leaving them with the ultimate task of rebuilding their community from scratch.

It was a desolate place, yet lively at the same time. Whilst walking around the newly developed Roma Mahalla in Kosovo’s northern city of Mitrovica, you can sense the closeness of the community, making you feel immediately out of place. Even the dogs stuck together in a pack.

The stark difference between living conditions in this Mahalla compared with its neighbouring suburbs is clear to see. Pollution greets you upon entry and stays with you during your entire journey, meeting you at every corner and every doorstep. Damaged row houses decorate half of the streets, and washed linen hangs off almost every window in sight.

 The whereabouts of Habib Hajdini, one of the leaders of the community, was not easy to find, but he is eventually located after finding his eldest son in a crowd of young men.

 The journey to the community leader was made accompanied by a group of his son’s friends, who whispered to each other in their native tongue. Younger children who notice the commotion joined the parade, and before long, the procession had accumulated half of the community, all eager to understand the reason for the spontaneous visit of an outsider.

 An aura of respect surrounds Habib. He explains that the community is starting to break up. For over a decade now, families have been moving away from the Mahalla to attempt a better life.

 “The most depressing thing in our area is the rate of unemployment and the hard living conditions. Of course, if a family wants to live in medium conditions, they need €200-300, and we only receive €60-70,” he explains.

 “Our children go to school without clothes and without shoes, and without social welfare help it’s hard to learn because no one is working.

“It’s really the lack of the municipality government. If we ask to find a job they will respond like ‘everyone is looking for a job’, so there are families that are getting social assistance, and some who are not.”

Broken promises

The aftermath of the Kosovo War hit the gypsy community the hardest.  Homes were lost, identity documentation went missing, medical care was minimal, education levels was low, unemployment was high, and there were barriers to social integration.

As a result, an abundance of local and international non-governmental organisations (NGO’s) became the main support system whilst the new Kosovar government was being formed.

Today, however, few NGO’s have remained in Kosovo since that time, leaving the Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians with minimal support and representation. The Danish Refugee Council (DRC) has been one of the only consistent international NGO’s to remain on the ground in the country, continuing to assist the integration of minorities in the new Kosovo.

“They never used to live like this. Honestly, they were better because under one roof were 24 families. Everyone had his or her own house,” says Argon Deda, Economic Development Officer from the DRC.

 “Then, they moved to these social houses, and now they have no income, so there’s no property management.

“For instance it’s only €1 to have the garbage collected, and that lasted about a month.”  

The Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe has described the current situation as “exhausted”.

Agim Fehatu from the GAGA Foundation in Mitrovica said that international donors help to keep the community afloat.

 He knows that under the particular political circumstances, local governments are constantly changing, which makes it difficult for on-the-ground NGO’s to receive any government funding because they are unable to establish relationships with government representatives.

He describes this as one of the reasons why the Kosovar government are not fiscally active in any of the projects surrounding the Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian minorities.

“The worst part is that we don’t have any representation in the local institutions,” he says.

 “I mean, they have someone who is Bosnian representing that small community, and no one for the 300-plus Roma families living in Mitrovica alone.

 “Last year, when there was a position available for a new [council] representative, we weren’t even told that the position was open.

 “By the time we went down to the office, all of the paperwork had been finalised, and the position had been filled completely, by someone who, to my knowledge, is not Roma, Ashkali or Egyptian, no one that we even know of.”

 Nikola Petrovski, Chief of Community Sections for the OSCE, says that “municipalities are expecting new changes and formations” after the elections last Autumn.

 “On the whole, the representation, participation and inclusion of Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians in institutions is, I think we can say, gradually improving.”

The new Mahalla created from past mistakes

 The new Mahalla was created after hundreds of internally displaced people were firstly settled in camps, and then relocated to a new area after their old property rights were dismissed.

“At the beginning, there was a large displacement, inside and outside of Kosovo, in particular the North,” says Nikola.

 “The camps, and temporary shelters, which weren’t so temporary after their ten years of existence… we advocated the closure of those camps and helped resettle the people from the camps.”

 This ultimately forced the community to start fresh at the bottom of the social chain, and lack of employment opportunity is driving the residents to migrate elsewhere.

 “We just get spread out, even more so than now,” says community leader Habib.

 “It removes our culture when we are too assimilated. I know how it was before the war. We had more than 8000 Roma people before then. We had more than 1000 Ashkalis, and because of war we are now only hundreds.

 “We had our properties near the river, but now they’ve given us these houses. We didn’t have this kind of paper to state that we owned the property beforehand.

 “The municipality offered us what we are staying in here now. With the support of different international organisations, we were able to start building again.”

 It’s not all bad news in the new Mahalla. The Danish Refugee Council (DRC), partnered with the Social Business Incubator Foundation in Mitrovica (SBIM), have created a system where Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians are able to propose business ideas and receive funding to help set them up.

 So far, the Mahalla has implemented its own auto-mechanic repair shop, a hair salon, takeaway shops, and a soap manufacturer. During the 2017-2018 period, the SBIM received more than 26 applications for business ideas.

 Local NGO PRAM, located at the Mahalla’s learning centre, is headed by Milaim Ramadani, and aims to address the needs of all of the minorities living there.

 “We really support all communities here. The aim is to also prevent migration because if they leave and come back it’s harder to resettle them,” he says.

 “Finding jobs is the best way to give them ground, and here we have people who work with us who are past students, so already we have created a cycle for the young to look forward to.”

 Education has also taken a step up. Integrated classes are becoming more common. The learning centre in the Mahalla, and the GAGA organisation in Mitrovica’s south, are both schooling systems that focus on integration and assimilation, with a particular focus on women’s rights and the teaching of parental behaviours so that positive integration attitudes can be reflected family-wide.

 “The only weakness I see is comprehensive monitoring. We might monitor one part, but we don’t know what’s happening in other areas,” explains Drillon Kransniqi, Project Coordinator at the Kosovo Education Center.

 “There’s no comprehensive data reporting. We have education and employment monitoring, but we don’t have any health monitoring or social welfare monitoring.

 “We are good at monitoring education systems. There are so many activities that are not covered, like employment and health.

 “There are not many government projects taking place. That makes it hard for us to track overall progress because we don’t have a shared data system.

 “They are still building [houses] in one place, sort of making ghettos instead of spreading the people out. This is not helping integration,” he says.

 The helping hand that backfired

 Even though integration programs are underway in the city of Mitrovica, outside of the newly developed Mahalla, Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian residents still struggle with discrimination. Because of their experiences of being resettled after the war, they maintain a strong community mindset with close-knit values and security.

  “They call me gypsy here,” states Dzafer “Jackie” Buzoli. “You know, because the colour of my skin, they can tell here, but I have a lot of friends who are Serbs and Albanians, and I don’t mind them calling me that.

 “It’s who I am,” he explains with a proud smile.

Jackie is of Bugurdzi Romani descent, and currently lives in Kosovo’s capital city, Pristina. He moved away from the Mitrovica Mahalla in 2011 to seek a “less polluted” lifestyle.

 Although he keeps in contact with his gypsy friends, he fears for their health due to the community’s history with lead poisoning and lack of medical care. From 2002 until 2011, Jackie was a social worker in the Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian refugee camps. He drove back and forth to the camps every day for nine years.

 “Even though the camps are gone now, there are still people living there who are sick and nothing is being done about it anymore. They have no money, so they can’t just get up and leave like I did, but most of them want to,” says Jackie.

 In 2013, Hysein Damati from the GAGA foundation, working closely with the Save the Children Charity organisation, asked the Mitrovica municipality for medical assistance for those affected by the lead poisoning. No financial assistance was given, but 300 medical test packs were handed out so that the community could measure the levels of affects.

“If they were refugees, they would have the right of return to the place they were chased out of.  But as IDPs, they don’t have that right, explains US Attorney, Dianne Post who has worked for the rights of these minority groups since 2006 and was successful in getting the camps shut down in 2010. 

“The municipality refused to give them back the Mahalla for development, claiming they could not prove they owned it, though they had paid taxes and light bills, etcetera,for years. 

“But then the land was on the Ibar River, a very desirable location, and the city wanted that land for a park. So the Roma were never let back into the village that the Albanians destroyed.

“Though I won the case, the UN still has not done what the tribunal ordered them to do – publicly apologize and compensate the individual plaintiffs for the harm they received,” says Dianne.

After the war, it seems that broken promises are a prominent factor of the lives of the Mahalla residents. Although some promises have not been fulfilled, Dianne fears that the gypsies who continue living in the north of Mitrovica and their longstanding and difficult circumstances have already been forgotten by the international community.

 “There are so many crises in the world, and day after day brings another horror, and people lose interest in this one for the next one,” she explains.

 “The Roma remain the most discriminated group in Europe.I’ll continue to work for them probably until I die, because I don’t anticipate that they will ever receive justice.”

For ten years the Serbian Orthodox Church has rejected Kosovo’s declared independence, yet despite political tensions between Belgrade and Pristina, they understand that they must find a way to live peacefully with Kosovar Albanians in order to preserve their history.

Smelling of freshly cut grass, the Dečani monastery sits silently in the center of a huge KFOR presence. Enclosed within a series of gates and fences, it seems somewhat out of place within the town of Dečani itself. Lined with white marble, a private vineyard and complete with a personal gift shop, the Dečani monastery truly is a Serbian Orthodox paradise.

This hidden community acts like a bubble, completely separated from the outside world. Inside, people walk freely between buildings hugging and kissing one another, and after a small while one forgets that they have entered this Serbian Orthodox fortress.

With impeccable preservation, the main difference to be seen between this particular monastery and those who share a similar history is the lack of rubble and debris scattered around the area.

Patriarchate of Pec ruins outside the preserved Monastery. Source: Taylah Fellows

Compared to the Patriarchate of Pec, the second most important Serbian Church in Kosovo, Dečani’s monastery is in pristine condition.

The monastery wants to improve the lives of the Serbian minority living in Kosovo, aiming to make them feel safe both inside and outside the walls of their place of worship. However, because of weak post-war negotiations between Belgrade and Pristina, they fear Kosovo is closer to becoming an ethnic Albanian state.

Fears of an ethnic Albanian Kosovo

The destruction of Serbian heritage monuments in Kosovo and the consequent loss of Serbian culture have been labeled as a type of ethnic cleansing by Serbians, TheSerbian Orthodox Church maintains that 176 monasteries and churches have been either burned or destroyed in Kosovo since Serbia was forced to withdraw from the then province in 1999. Furthermore, the Dečani monastery has been attacked four times, including one bazooka attack in 2007.

Father Sava, who lives in the monastery, still fears that some Albanians wish for the new Kosovo to be ‘ethnically clean’.

“Of course we expected hard feelings and vengeance because of the terrible things [Slobodan] Milošević did, but things are going much further than that. This is seen by many as an attempt to finally get rid of Serbs,” he says.

“What I see now is ethnic Albanian Kosovo, which is not actually the Kosovo that was planned to be created by internationals.”

“We are very much exposed, and that is why the KFOR presence here is very strong. If tensions rise between Albanians and Serbians, we are somehow the big Serbian flag in the centre of Albanian territory, but many see us as some kind of big Serbian presence.”

The Serbian Orthodox churches that remain in Kosovo represent a deep history of religious segregation that can be traced back to the Ottoman Empire. Before the turn of the 19^thCentury, religion was considered the most important thing to both Serbians and Albanians living in Kosovo. However, this has led to a series of turbulent religious conflictsover the past two decades.

From the safe confines of the Dečani monastery, Father Sava explains that the protected heritage site has always been a religious focal point in Kosovo. He describes the Dečani area as “practically the birthplace of the Kosovo Liberation Army,” and within it, the monastery stands as a strong symbol of Serbian history and tradition. Today, it remains concerned about the looming threat of nationalist Albanians who view Serbian churches as a blockade to Kosovo’s independence.

“There are two schools of thinking, so I hope the reasonable ones will prevail. Some only want to destroy the sites, and some want to actually change the history of Kosovo itself,” says Father Sava.

“What’s really the problem is the nation-building process of new Kosovo. These [religious] places don’t fit this idea.”

Even though the Serbian Orthodox Church does not officially recognise Kosovo as an independent state, it does wish to act as a building block towards further integration between Albanians and Serbians in Kosovo.

The need for further integration

Father Sava hopes the international presenceand protection of the Dečani monastery will be strong enough to make Albanians understand that they can profit from having Serbian sites (and Serbs) remain in Kosovo.

“For those who would like to see Kosovo as a multi-ethnic state with democratic rule and law of order, monasteries are not a problem, but an asset, because they want to be a part of Europe, and monasteries link this idea of tradition, that Kosovo is not only Muslim but also a Christian society,” he says.

“No matter who contributed to this cultural heritage, it is only something that Kosovo can benefit from.”

He also hopes that international influencers such as the US and Germany will encourage the Kosovar and Serbian governments to avoid opting for partition. Successful negotiations between Belgrade and Pristina, however unlikely, are seen as the key for the Serbian minority to be accepted into the Kosovar-Albanian community. 

“It’s very strange. There are Serbian politicians and Kosovar politicians who are in favour of partition, even if it means sacrificing their own citizens,” he explains.

“Of course, if you think we are happy with independent Kosovo, we are not, but it’s not that Kosovo’s independence is some sort of blow to Serbian nationalism.

“We don’t agree with the independence particularly because of the (Albanian) behavior after the war, but it’s not so black and white as in you’re either for independent Kosovo or against it, like if you’re for it you have to suddenly renounce your Serbian identity.”

Political disputes between Belgrade and Pristina, such as the recent arrest of Serbian politician Marko Djuric, bears an influence on civil relations between Albanians and Serbians, increasing tensions between the two ethnic groups. Father Sava argues that this type of conflict takes the integration process “many steps back.”

The Kosovar population consists of a 90 percent Muslim majority, and Kosovar citizens seem to notice segregation.

“Not many Christians are here anymore because this is a Muslim country,” says churchgoer Nehat Hajdari.

Ardian Dodaj, an architect who has designed twelve Christian Churches in Kosovo, including the Mother Teresa Cathedral in the centre of Pristina, claims that more religious integration has occurred since the post-war churches were built.

“We are very peaceful and calm now, more connected, and the buildings really help this integration,” he says.

However, Father Sava states that as long as there is tension between governments, Serbians will be seen as a danger.

“Sometimes our voice is not as strong as these politicians and certain negative things they do that are much stronger actions than months of (positive) discussions.

“The Serbians who remain here, their future is somewhat precarious,” he says, sipping on his Turkish coffee inside his protected paradise bubble.

Despite pushes for harsher immigration control the deep-rooted sex trafficking business still thrives off Nigerian trafficker and Italian mafia collaborations.

They leave Nigeria under false promises of finding a new and improved life in Europe but Nigerian traffickers have other plans for these soon to be sex workers. Before leaving home most of the girls partake in a traditional African Juju oath-swearing ritual performed by witchdoctors.

The Juju ceremony is a means of psychological control used to bind them into a debt agreement. Securing this debt agreement is crucial for the sex traffickers in Italy as it contributes to a long-standing, highly secretive system between themselves, recruiters, smugglers, Libyan personnel and the Italian mafia. This elaborate blackmailing scheme is what fuels the sex trafficking business.

A trafficking debt can add up to anywhere between €25,000 and €60,000- the overall cost to get to Europe. First, the girls are trafficked to Libya where they are housed together and forced to have sex with Libyan officials. Younger girls are impregnated to make immigration processes easier later on.

After finally crossing the Mediterranean they arrive in Italy and are placed in detention centres. During their immigration processing they are ordered to contact their madam to await further instructions about their new job. Most were told they would be cleaning Italian houses, becoming hairdressers or finding work in supermarkets. Some now know what truly lies ahead.

Although the girls are aware of the looming trafficking debt before leaving Nigeria, they believe that they will die or that bad things will happen to their families if they disobey the Juju spell cast on them. Those that are not manipulated in this way will face a multitude of threats to not only themselves but also those associated with them back home. Alternatively, their madam will repeatedly beat them. Without any means of income, shelter or a way to leave Italy, they submit to the wishes of the madam and begin their new life as a sex worker.

Perhaps what is most confronting is the rate at which the sex trafficking business has grown over the past three years in Italy. More trafficking victims are climbing the ranks and becoming madams. More madams are travelling back to Nigeria to recruit more girls. With prices in the sex trade being so low (intercourse sometimes costing 20 Euros or less), the majority of girls who enter this trade will never be able to settle their debts.

A madam however, is usually someone who has paid off their debt and is promoted to a position where they not only control the “baby girls” below them, they also answer to the Nigerian gangs above them. The Nigerian traffickers are organised, untraceable and reportedly in cahoots with the Italian Mafia. They call themselves “brothers” “ibakkas or the “boga” and they heavily profit off trading Nigerian girls throughout Europe.

With a self-perpetuating trafficking business, is it possible that the trafficker-mafia relationship has perfected the system?

Three decades of sex trafficking migration

Last year the International Organisation of Migration (IOM) released a confronting report revealing that 80 per cent of all Nigerian women that make it to Italy are at high risk of being forced into the sex trade. The report details ways to enhance screening process at landing sites, hotspots and reception centres with recommendations of increased assistance to victims by providing them with legal information.

According to FRONTEX and the IOM, Italy received approximately 181,436 irregular arrivals in 2016, more than half of which requested asylum. Over 11,000 of these arrivals were Nigerian women, doubling 2015 figures.

Nigeria and Italy have a long-standing history when it comes to immigration and the sex trafficking business. Reports of the sex worker trade first surfaced in the late 1980’s as more Nigerians were employed for low skilled labour services, including prostitution. Today girls become sex workers because of their inability to pay off smuggling or trafficking debts through other work. Some even remain sex workers after their debts have been paid due to lack of available work elsewhere.

Prostitution is legal in Italy and is tolerated within private boundaries. However, there are laws against advertising prostitution and operating brothels or sex trafficking rings. Huge inconsistencies can be found between data collected by the IOM (who record potential or identified trafficking victims in Italy) and figures of convictions relating to sex trafficking crimes, provided by the Italian Institute of Statistics (ISTAT). Low risks and high profits are what make the trafficking business attractive to both smugglers and girls in need of work.

Hard to track or administration neglect?

The increase in Nigerian migration does not wholly account for the increase in sex trafficking in Italy. Local Italian mafias have been said to aid Nigerian traffickers in infiltrating the immigration system. After the Arab Spring, Italian detention centres became overwhelmed resulting in improvised shelters that were set to house 90,000 asylum seekers in 2015. This made them targets for the Italian mafia who then “buy the system” by bribing administrators and setting up fake shell companies. With lack of adequate housing, Nigerian trafficking gangs are then able to access the girls more easily.

“Asylum centre’s have been transformed in some sort of ghettos, placed far from the city center, filled with people experiencing disappointed expectations and unemployment, contributed to make these centre’s, fertile recruiting sites for the exploiters. For this reason, much more has to be done to train social workers operating in these centre’s to help them recognize people suffering from exploitation and avoid the occurrence of these situations,” says Ms Pizzolato from the On the Road Onlus Association in Italy.

It is widely believed that some asylum seeker centres in Italy are corrupt. The amount of State funding given to the centres is based on the proportion of asylum seekers waiting to be processed. These funds are allocated for food and general amenities however; the Nigerian gangs in cooperation with Italian mafia intercept these funds and pay off officials working in the centres in order to receive the documents of the girls. They then withhold these documents from the girls and use them as leverage, forcing them to repay debts via the sex trade whilst keeping their names on official registries so that the centres continue to receive the state funds. This blackmailing system promotes loyalty between all participants and may also be a considerable factor for Italy’s overcrowded centres.

Cooperation between the mafia and traffickers makes it seemingly difficult for police or immigration officials to assess which girls are being forced into sex work. The 2017 trafficking report released by the IOM discusses three key factors that make it difficult for immigration officials and Italian police to identify and “flush out” Nigerian sex trafficking organisations:

• The girls usually travel without men making it more difficult for officials to identify them before contact is made with the traffickers in Italy. They also lie saying the traffickers they are travelling with are relatives or friends.
• Nigerian gang leaders use less obvious violence against the girls, making them more compliant and harder for police to identify.
• There is huge difficulty in getting victims to report their exploiters to the police mostly due to the additional lengthy timeframe thereafter where the victim will wait to obtain a temporary legal residence permit.

Contrary to the above, the European Group of Experts on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings (GRETA), released a report during 2016 stating that that immigration procedures are inefficient and rushed by Italian officials which leads to less identification before the girls meet their madam. The report states,

“Both IOM and UNHCR experience problems of capacity and have floating teams between all hotspots in Sicily, prioritising landings. There is no reception space at the hotspots for private interviews and it is difficult to make contacts with individuals, particularly Nigerian girls, who move in groups and are reluctant to speak individually…as a result, possible victims of trafficking are not identified until much later ”.

The report also stresses additional training to Italian Police and calls for the compliance of Article 3 European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) regarding the nature of overcrowded Italian detention centres.

Reluctance to ‘speak out’

After decades of sex and labour trafficking, knowledge of the business has begun to influence Nigerian culture at home. Some victims have returned to Nigeria, warning family and friends of the risks involved when making deals with the trafficking gangs. As stories of the realities of the sex trade have surfaced, traffickers have responded by expanding their business to rural areas of Nigeria including: Oyo, Osun, Ogun, Ebonyi, Imo, Benue, Niger, and Kwara from which the girls are then transported to the main trafficking city, Lagos.

Nigerian families believe that their girls can immigrate, pay off the trafficking debt and begin to support the family from Europe. For most, working abroad is seen as the best strategy for escaping poverty regardless of warnings given beforehand. This undoubtedly makes the screening processes advised by the IOM and GRETA difficult to facilitate, as the girls believe they are doing the right thing by their families. “The girls trust the traffickers more than anyone,” says Princess Inyang Okokon in a 2016 interview with BBC. “There are operators like young boys, who go into the rural areas, go into the families that know maybe their parents are sick, go into the families that lack money to train their children and go into the areas that have people who are weak”.

Princess Inyang currently operates the Progetto Integrazione Accoglienza Migranti (PIAM) charity that rescues girls sold into the sex trafficking market. The charity seeks to identify the girls during their immigration processing before they make further contact with their madam. A former victim of the trafficking business, Princess Inyang is exceptionally well trained at identifying the girls and intercepting them.

Since her escape in 1999 she has saved hundreds of girls, training them in hospitality and craft services so they are able to make a living in their new country without returning to prostitution. Unfortunately the charity is not equipped to deal with the amount of Nigerian girls who are trafficked to Italy- something that will not cease due to a strong Italian market demand.

During November last year the On the Road Association released a harrowing documentary exposing the extent of the sex trafficking business along the Adriatic coast of Italy. The film discusses how the Italian men purchasing into this business do not mind if the girls are too young, or what background they have.

Although participation is not often talked about, the sheer amount of girls seen along the coastal road strip known as “the road of love” indicates continuous partaking in the business. The men are described as “often bored or having certain sexual perversions” and the road makes them “feel free to do anything”. Awareness of the sexual exploitation of the girls does not sway them as long as they “get what they’re paying for”.

The Italian problem

The demand for cheap sex workers through the trafficking business is not isolated to Italy or other Balkan areas close to the Mediterranean. Over the past two years police have discovered more underground trafficking gangs located in the UK, Spain, the Netherlands and Germany. Nigerian traffickers have found side-routes, using forged passports to traffic their victims via UK airports.
A combined effort between Italy and the EU is being made towards tightening immigration control throughout the Mediterranean. In cooperation with the Libyan coastguard, restrictions have been placed on NGO charities, preventing them from intercepting boats at sea and bringing them to Italian shores.
Italy also aims is to stop migrants from leaving the detention centres before or after their request for asylum has been denied. The overall goal is to relieve the overcrowded detention centres as well as continuing to assist the IOM efforts in the “voluntary return” of migrants.
In 2017 the European Commission Action Plan was launched, providing a fast-track strategy for deporting Nigerians. Italy received €53 million in migration management funds as part of the plan. To show further commitment Italy sent 470 Special Forces troops to Libya and Tunisia during December last year. The military intervention is aimed at tackling human trafficking on the ground, promoting more stability in the Mediterranean.

Italy has been criticised for its efforts to limit the departures from Libya because of Human Rights violations found in Libyan detention centres however the Italian Interior Minister, Marco Minniti defended Italy’s recent methods stating that “the southern border of Libya is crucial for the southern border of Europe as a whole”.
Deportation and military intervention may be a short-term solution for the Italian government however what is failing to be addressed is the tight relationships between the traffickers themselves. The sex trafficking business has grown to a level where Nigerians can influence other Nigerians, convincing them that trafficking and sex working is in their best interests. This is a case where greed and psychological manipulation outweigh physical obstruction. Even if monthly arrival numbers are in decline, the sex trafficking business has prevailed.

Dortmund Portfolio

Death, torture and inhuman living conditions; Words placed on constant repeat as international human rights violations once again, slides its way back into the European media sphere. You guessed it, its time to talk about migration.

First, the reports

Beginning September this year the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), The Danish Refugee Council (DFC),Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF), OXFAMand Amnesty International (just to name a few) all released reports commenting on the inhumane conditions of Libyan detention facilities. All of the reports refer to failure of Human Rights protection and call for a renewed humane migration policy approach that focuses on migrant protection and the creation of safe legal routes.

The reports sailed in after the Libyan Coast Guard cracked down on boats leaving Libyan shores creating a consequent surge in migration flowsbetween the Gulf of Tunis and Sicily. Thisraised concern over the overcrowded detention centres, which the reports also claim to be a result of the European Union migration ‘hotspot’ strategy.

Amnesty International described the current hotspot approach as a “reckless European strategy, whose centerpiece is cooperation with the Libyan coastguard, is exposing refugees and migrants to even greater risks at sea and when intercepted to disembarkation in Libya, where they face horrific conditions and violations in detention, torture and rape”.

The UN high commissioner for human rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein called it a“lack of systematically integrated human rights monitoring and reporting mechanisms by the Libyan Coastguard and other State actors dealing with migrants and refugees”.

It’s fair to assume these reports areset out to trigger global audiences and enhance discussion about the correlating issues of irregular migration with the goal to push for an effective remedy. Different NGO’s and media outlets have placed blame on policymakers, political discourse and the EU’s failure to address the violations directly rather than sticking to the current strategy of providing externalised aid.

The recommendation pushed for by criticsis an established uniformed migration policy that is upheld by all member states. Regional Director for the International Organisation of Migration (IOM), Eugenio Ambrosi condemned the EU’s inability to acknowledge the need for an effective collective policy thus far stating,

“First of all a union has to have a common policy on migration as well as on asylum. I mean we have a common policy (and this is not a joke), a common standard, which all countries have to strictly abide to other wise there are penalties, on the size of clams and we don’t have a common policy on what to do with human beings looking for an alternative in Europe?”

Amongst the criticisms one must look at the feasibility of reaching a long-term policy solution whilst monitoring the application of fundamental Human Rights. Yes, you have the core EU idea of solidarity and the responsibility to protect rights of migrants alongside the need to promote cooperation between member states but if it was that simple, the crisis would have already been solved, right?

The current approach

 To decipher who really is to blame for what is only being described as outrageous neglect, one has to evaluate the present strategy. The current policyis aimed at stronger management of external borders through the creation of hotspots in Greece and Italy. This type of strategy relies on cooperation of EU member states towards a relocation programme that deals with the heavy influx of these two hotspots.

In light of the previously mentioned reports it’s safe to say that many criticise this hotspot approach and argue that their creation has only lent a helping hand to human smugglers and made the trafficking business a more attractive method of transport to Europe compared to the insufferable alternatives. Secretary General of the European Council on Refugees and Exiles Catherine Woollard labelled hotspots as “a tool that can be used for good or for ill”.

The Commission has rejected claims that they are buying into an inhumane system through their cooperation with the Libyan Coast Guard and released a statement in September announcing their intention to spend182 million euros to protect “vulnerable migrants in Libya, notably at disembarkation points and in detention centres with a view of providing economic alternatives to trafficking and smuggling activities.”

The EU Delivering on Migration report released earlier this year highlights the efforts and successes of the current relocation strategy and includes a declaration of funds delivered to emergency assist areas surrounding the hotspots. It also states a dramatic decline in crossings between Turkey and Greece since the EU-Turkey Statement was implemented.

Contrariwise, The Danish Refugee Council criticised the approach declaring that the policy failure is caused by “insufficient relocation pledges from member states and the limited number of nationalities eligible for relocation,” explaining that a decline in crossings constitutes a change in routes rather than numbers.

FRONTEX spokesperson Ms Izabella Cooper explained the shift in member state cooperation regarding the emergency assist operations surrounding the hotspots.

“This is a system that used to be absolutely voluntary up until last year and of course that made it very difficult for us to provide sufficient assistance to countries because the EU member states (Austria, Germany, Sweden) were struggling themselves with the migratory pressure and many of the migrants had not been registered before. Now these countries have arranged border controls in order to face these emergencies. FRONTEX was given a new mandate which included quotas of border and coast guard officers, which every European country is obliged to provide in case of emergency”.

The report also included a small statement regarding infringement procedures launched against Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic due to their failure to comply with the relocation and resettlement programs but admitted there was no judicial procedure established yet to complete the process.

What could be seen as a major step forward is the Commission’s recognition of the enormous need to reform the Dublin regulation through an attempt to implement a ‘permanent crisis relocation mechanism’ otherwise known as the corrective mechanism.

For those who are unaware of the Dublin regulation, in short, it forbids one member state from returning irregular migrants back to where they came from thus prohibiting member states from violating Article 3 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR). You may have previously heard this concept as the principle of non-refoulment.

Critics consider the current EU method of apprehending migrants at sea and then returning them to Libyan shores in order to prevent arrival in Europe, a direct breach of this principle.

The proposed corrective mechanism is therefore aimed at relieving hotspot areas by ensuring the concept of burden sharing across member states including recognition of disproportionate numbers of asylum-seekers and the penalisation of those who decide to not accept the allocation of asylum-seekers from other member states under pressure. Failure to oblige would result in a ‘solidarity contribution’ of€250 000 per applicant however the Member States will still retain the right to refuse to relocate migrants in relation to national security and public order concerns.

The problem is that the distribution mechanism is based on a voluntary system, which already existed in the old Dublin regulation, and failed. Mr Ambrosi states that the new proposal is both a hopeful and unpredictable approach due to the past and present political discourse regarding burden sharing.

 “If you commit to be part of the European Union, which is treaty-based, according to the ECHR all member states carry an obligation to uphold and to react against violation of these fundamental rights anywhere they happen not just within the territory of the EU.  You can’t sign up to be a part of this principle and then pick and choose when to apply them. You cant be a part of a tennis club and then decide which month you pay your membership”, he said.

The current increased flow has shown is that the policy and the Dublin mechanism currently used to deal with migrant and asylum seeker flow is outdated cannot work in the current context with the level of migrant influx.

To the future and beyond?

 Its one thing to critique the current policy, another to reinvent it in such a way that it  suits all parties involved.  Member states will have to decide as a union how to utilize their political and financial leverage. They must make a political choice on whether to prioritise resources on monitoring and protecting the rights of the migrants (pleasing the NGO’s) or prioritise resources on securitization of borders and combatting human trafficking (pleasing the public opinion) or prioritise the production of a fast, efficient and non-bureaucratic legal channel including an effective processing/identification system (pleasing the migrants). It is unrealistic to consider all three options possible at one time.

Ironically, within this on-going debate there lies in the fact that despite possible failure to meet Human Rights requirements through the hotspot approach, Europe still needs migrants.  Mr Ambrosi states thatEurope’s current demographic curve connecting to the economic, social and pension systems will simply not be sustainable without a continuation of migration.

“At a certain point we [the Europe system] will be forced. No matter how active we get were not going to bridge the demographic gap and at a certain point we will be forced. Now the challenge is to put together this type of system now rather than when the contingency and the pressure of the moment will force us”, he said.

Following the exploitation of an Artificial Intelligence sex doll at a global tech fair last week, debate has spurred over Europe’s growing investment towards the AI sex industry.

The creator behind the doll, Sergi Santos, told the Metro, “the people mounted Samantha’s breasts, her legs and arms. Two fingers were broken and she was heavily soiled,” whilst on display at this year’s Arts Electronica Festivalin Linz, Austria.

Artificial Intelligence was a focal point at the event. Amongst attendees were owners of leading sex doll agency Lumidolls, which opened the first European sex doll brothel in Barcelona earlier this year.

The agency has recently announcedits plans to expand their services from Spain to the UK after copious success this year.

Cybernetics and Robotics researcherat Coventry University, Kevin Warwick, said that alongside the AI biomedical industry the AI sex industry is potentially one of the main areas for future AI investment.

“There are a number of gateways for the introduction of AI technology into public markets,” said Warwick.

“In the sex area where people are willing to pay the money, often the cost of the software and hardware is not that great, so it’s really a toe in the water as far as where the market will stand,” he said.

“Then that [money] can be used to improve the product and make more money and so on.”

With an AI sex doll roughly sitting between €4,000 and €16,000 each, one begs the question of where the market demand arises.

Expert in psychosexual medicine, Dr Leila Frodsham says one of the major reasons for demand could stem from established pornography addictions.

“The real problem at the moment is addiction to pornography. They [men] are so addicted to porn that they can’t actually manage to have sex with real women,” said Dr Frodsham.

“Perhaps the combination of the sex dolls and porn will maybe be even more addictive, but it may even be that it’s easier to transition into having sex if you’re having sex with a sex doll rather than your hand,” she said.

The Foundation of Responsible Robotics released a report earlier this year titled Our Sexual Future With Robotsaimed at examining social opinions over the benefits and risks of AI sex dolls.

The report included multiple surveys asking participants in the UK, Germany and the Netherlands if they would consider purchasing or using the dolls.

The results indicated room for a market mostly aimed at men and showed only a small fraction of participants who were concerned with negative social consequences.

One poll included 1,162 Dutch individuals and found that only 13 per cent of participants thought the AI sex dolls would “change social norms and values.”

According to Dr Frodsham, most concerns associated with AI sex dolls are only an extension of the negative consequences that result from online pornography.

Expansion of the AI sex industry within the EU is more likely to depend on social interests towards robotic companionship and “some therapeutic benefits that will give people a bridge from porn addiction towards real sex,” she said.

It’s no secret that anti-Islamic populist parties have made a remarkable comeback, but what effects will this have on anti-Islam attitudes in the Netherlands?

According to a recent study conducted by the European Agency for Fundamental Rights, the Netherlands is currently ranked as the second worst place to be a Muslim.

The study revealed that 42 per cent of Muslims experience discrimination due to their origin and 30 per cent feel discriminated against due to their religion.

Press speaker and ‘front man’ for the anti-Islam group Pediga, Edwin Wagensveld blamed the lack of transparency and failure to comply with what he described as ‘Western standards’.

“They don’t accept that the problem is their religion and ideology. When you don’t accept that, we can’t search for a solution…. how Islam is at the moment is not compatible with our life. Islam has to change,” said Wagensveld.

The organisation expanded to the Netherlands in 2015 and claimed to have 25,000 Facebook followers before the page was shut down last year.

Wagensveld told Euroscope Magazine that the organisation’s overall goal is to de-Islamise Europe, declaring that freedom of speech is at stake.

“Close your eyes and go back to the 80’s. Look at the shops and the streets. You don’t see headscarfs or anything about Islam. We have free speech and you can’t do that anymore, when you say something they arrest you. We must inform the people of what the media and what the politicians don’t show us,” said Wagensveld.

In her 2016 report on Islamophobia in the Netherlands, Dr Ineke van der Valk, specialist in intercultural studies and discrimination, explored attitudes held by the Dutch community towards the Muslim population.

“Recently I studied millions of posts and thousands of articles…and it is striking that about fifty mosques were burned between 2005 and 2015. It’s incredible that there was so little attention and concern towards the problem until I bought it up my in my Islamophobia research report,” she said.

“There has also been a rise in secularisation. About half of the population in the Netherlands are non-religious. For those people Islamophobia plays a role because in general they are anti-religious…this may be a bit more relative in the Netherlands compared to other countries”.

Dr Ineke van der Valk goes on to explain that political sentiment is a main driver of local opinion and says community awareness is key to successful integration.

“Traditionally right extremist groups are not very strong in the Netherlands. They have had very little support but this is different from these new populist parties like the Party for Freedom and now Forum for Democracy, which has quite a lot of support,” she said.

“The main topics talked about by Wilders are against Islam and Islamophobia. He is always producing Islamophobic statements so that influences a lot. People then feel encouraged to express themselves because if politicians do this, why can’t we?”

In response to the growing rate of Islamophobia, the Dutch government submitted the National Action Programme Against Discriminationearlier this year.

The programme is aimed at strengthening anti-discrimination policies and measuring their effectiveness.

“The Netherlands has antidiscrimination programmes all through the country and they are sometimes too passive, they register discrimination and they report it but they could be much more effective if they had a proactive role,” said Dr Ineke.